The foreign trips of Prime Minister Narendra Modi are crucial to India’s international participation and diplomatic endeavours. During his term, he has given overseas travel a lot of attention. In his approach to foreign policy, he has taken an active role in interacting with world leaders and advancing India’s interests on the international stage.
On Saturday, July 15, Prime Minister Narendra Modi departs from New Delhi for an official visit to the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Since becoming prime minister, he has travelled to the nation five times. The present visit in such a short period of time looks exceptional when compared to his initial trip to the UAE in August 2015, which was the first by an Indian prime minister in 34 years. It also represents one of the most significant shifts in India’s relations with any nation in recent years.
The common vision shared by Prime Minister Modi and President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan has been a major factor in the significant transformation of India-UAE relations, as highlighted by Foreign Secretary Vinay Kwatra in a media briefing on July 13.
During Modi’s visit to the UAE in August 2015, India agreed to become the first nation in the region to upgrade relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership. Similar collaboration agreements with Saudi Arabia and, most recently, Egypt were signed after this.
The quick growth of this tight alliance may be attributed in large part to President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and PM Modi’s strong personal chemistry and rapport. Both presidents have a similar understanding of the important challenges affecting the region and the crucial role that the two nations can play in fostering growth and prosperity in the area. PM Modi referred to the UAE as his “Home away from Home” when speaking to the Indian diaspora in Dubai during his visit to the country in February 2018.
The increase in ties during this little eight-year span is extraordinary. This is especially evident in the robust economic interactions, including trade and investment, interpersonal relationships, and agreement on a variety of regional and global concerns. UAE is now India’s third-largest commercial partner, with bilateral trade reaching $85 billion in 2022–2023.
India’s second-largest export market is the UAE. Additionally, the UAE is India’s fourth-largest investor overall, thanks to significant FDI flows. The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which was signed on February 18, 2022, in a record-breaking 88 days, laid the groundwork for the exponential growth in trade and economic partnership and is yet another illustration of the special bilateral relationship and mutual trust. The bilateral commerce in products is expected to reach $100 billion over the course of five years, while the bilateral trade in services is expected to reach $15 billion.
Both nations have frequently gone above and beyond the ordinary to make this alliance unique and strategically important. Only the UAE has proposed to deposit strategic oil reserves in India among the neighbours. Despite objections from several countries, particularly Pakistan, the UAE invited the late Sushma Swaraj, India’s external affairs minister, to the OIC Summit in 2019. On October 5, 2022, Dubai will open its first Hindu temple, which will be a unique gift from the UAE to the Indian population.
On August 24, 2019, the RuPay card, a significant endeavour by India in the digital payment system, was introduced in Abu Dhabi, making the UAE one of the few nations to have such a partnership with India. PM Modi was asked to appear as the keynoter at the World Government Summit in the UAE in February 2018, and India was the “Guest of Honour” nation at the annual Abu Dhabi event (ADF), which is a cultural event held in the UAE, in March 2018.
PM Modi received the renowned “Zayed Medal” during his August 2019 visit to the UAE for his “pivotal role” in bolstering the two countries’ strategic ties. India acknowledges the UAE as a key partner on its end as well. At the Republic Day celebration in Delhi in January 2017, the Crown Prince Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan served as the principal guest. UAE is one of a limited group of nations invited as a “Special Invite” to this year’s G20 presidency by India. India and the UAE are working closely together to host the COP28 Summit on climate change in 2023.
Security and defence are gradually becoming yet another crucial pillar of interaction. The area has historically been conflict-prone, and the possibility that prior security assurances from outside parties like the US may no longer be guaranteed (particularly in the wake of the “Arab Spring”) has compelled countries in the region to search for alternative arrangements. India now has a chance to contribute positively to the security of the area, as well as more room and scope to do so.
Both parties regularly have security discussions between their national security councils as part of a “comprehensive strategic partnership,” and they collaborate closely on security concerns including counterterrorism, maritime security, and cybersecurity.
More regular bilateral defence drills are a crucial component of understanding and collaboration. Additionally, the co-production of weapon systems and the provision of defence equipment are growing as significant areas of collaboration. It has already started to move in that direction. The UAE and India’s Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) agreed to a contract in March 2017 for the supply of 40,000 155mm shell rounds, with an additional 50,000 rounds to be delivered in 2018. The prospect of the UAE obtaining Helina, Nag, and Brahmos missiles from India was mentioned in various media sources.
As part of their comprehensive strategic cooperation, India and the UAE decided to collaborate in space as well. The UAE has shown unity with India’s attitude towards the shared menace of terrorism and has consistently provided India with significant support in its battle against terrorism. It vehemently denounced all terrorist acts, whether they targeted the CRPF convoy in Pulwama on February 14, 2019, the army camp at Uri on September 18, 2016, the Pathankot Air Base on January 16, 2016, or both.
The UAE is a significant component of India’s West Asia strategy due to its centrality in the area and its position in West Asia, in addition to the two countries’ close bilateral connections. The UAE is a major political and economic force in the area. It is a significant voice in the area and participates actively in all significant regional fora like the GCC, the Arab League, etc.
The UAE is also a member of the “I2U2” grouping, often known as the “West Asian Quad,” which consists of India, the UAE, Israel, and the US. This grouping’s first summit-level conference was conducted on July 14, 2022, showing how important the UAE is to the area. The Abraham Accords of 2020, which saw the UAE officially ally with Israel, are a blatant sign that the UAE aspires to lead and define the direction for the future of the region.
When the UAE decided it had to abandon its “soft power” image in order to present a more aggressive strategy in the area, the “Arab Spring” in 2011 marked a significant turning point in UAE foreign policy in the region. In its most recent incarnation, the UAE contributed significantly to the overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood administration in Egypt in 2013 and helped Fateh Al-Sisi become president. Its participation in the campaign against the Houthis in Yemen, which started with the Saudi Arabia-led “Operation Decisive Storm” in March 2015, also marked the beginning of its adulthood in the area. Later, its military involvement against ISIS in Iraq and Syria as a member of the international coalition was a glaring divergence from the past.
The UAE has developed into a regional powerhouse diplomatically as well. It was a crucial figure that united the region against Qatar during the diplomatic standoff between regional nations from 2017 to 21. When Qatar was re-admitted into the GCC during the Al-Ula Summit in January 2021, it once again played a crucial role. Following attacks on its embassies in Tehran and Mashad during demonstrations over the death of Nimr al-Nimr, a prominent Shia preacher in the Kingdom, Saudi Arabia quickly terminated diplomatic ties with Iran in 2016. The UAE, though, adopted a more circumspect stance, denouncing Iran but maintaining certain connections.
The UAE allegedly left the US-led “Combined Maritime Alliance” in May 2023 because the US insisted on maintaining an anti-Iran posture. All of these, once more, are unmistakable signs of the UAE’s independence and affirmation that it wants to maintain a “rational regional policy” and won’t mindlessly follow any directive from “bigger partners.”
It also makes great attempts to mend fences with Turkey, another vital regional power. Both had quite different perspectives on how the so-called “Arab Spring” uprisings in the area turned out. Both were on opposite sides in Libya, too. However, the tone was set for a revamped and renewed relationship when Crown Prince Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan paid Turkey his first official visit since 2012 in November 2021. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the president of Turkey, visited the United Arab Emirates in February 2022, which came quickly after. The UAE also had a significant impact on Syria’s admission back into the Arab League in May 2023, 12 years after it had been expelled due to a harsh crackdown on demonstrators in March 2011 during the “Arab Spring” riots that led to the country devolving into civil war.
The UAE has therefore been the focal point of all significant developments in the area. It receives further encouragement from its deep knowledge of Saudi Arabia’s crucial regional concerns. The recent meeting of the NSAs of India, the US, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE in Jeddah on May 7 is crucial, particularly for India. They discussed regional issues, security, current developments, and the viability of a rail link between the countries in the region as well as to South Asia via sea lanes.
The strong momentum in bilateral ties is anticipated to be strengthened even more by PM Modi’s visit. Ongoing negotiations about establishing an IIT offshore campus in the United Arab Emirates might be advanced further. As both nations explore alternatives to US currencies, there is a chance that new grounds for convergence and cooperation on payment systems may emerge.
There may be additional convergence on fintech concerns given that the UAE currently accepts the RuPay card and the rupee as legal tender. The provision of energy will continue to be crucial to collaboration. For a long-term liquefied natural gas (LNG) supply deal, Indian Oil Corporation Ltd. and GAIL have been in discussions with the UAE’s Abu Dhabi National Oil Company. If a deal is reached, it will assist India in diversifying its LNG supplies, which are now based mostly on a long-term import arrangement with Qatar. Cooperation in intelligence sharing and cybersecurity may also be strengthened.
India has thus found the UAE to be the ideal partner to deepen bilateral ties with, find common ground in multilateral forums, and ask for assistance on crucial regional concerns. The UAE, for its part, enjoys its relationship with India and deliberately acknowledges the country’s development and the potential contribution it can make to the region and the global community. With PM Modi in Abu Dhabi, it is abundantly evident that the UAE holds the key to India’s successful West Asia strategy. This unique and privileged connection is only expected to flourish even more and become stronger in the years to come.
Overall, PM Modi’s international trips are essential to raising India’s stature in the world, increasing its economic possibilities, advancing its interests, and forging close bonds with other countries. They show India’s strong participation in world affairs and its dedication to a rules-based international system. This visit to the UAE is a major step in the right direction for India.
