Political conflict has become a defining feature of India’s political arena, which is a varied and most populous democracy. India has been a hotbed of political conflicts, frequently characterised by fierce rivalries, conflicting interests, and passionate discussions. India has a complex tapestry of cultures, languages, and philosophies. The country has experienced a wide range of political conflicts that have defined its past and continue to have an impact on its future, from the chambers of Parliament to the busy streets.

India has seen a rise in political action and public participation in recent years. As effective instruments for mobilisation, social media and digital platforms have given rise to modern political conflicts that cross conventional lines. While increasing knowledge and inclusion, the use of technology has also exposed the country to problems like false information and echo chambers, which may further exacerbate political tensions.

Eventually, the conflict started. Both armies are prepared. There are 26 parties in one and 38 in the other. The first is known as INDIA, and the second as NDA. One is run by a group of politicians, while the other is run by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India asserts that it wants to recover the constitution, democracy, and India.

The opposition has been under fire from the BJP, which heads the NDA, for being corrupt, dynastic, and opportunistic. The campaign for 2024 is no longer one-sided, and Modi can’t claim a walkover as he did in the two previous elections; that much is certain in the verbal warfare.

Even within the Left-liberals, there were some doubters who questioned if the opposition leaders would ever unite under one banner given the competing personalities, divergent ideas, and political opportunism. Many were startled by how easily they joined together to form INDIA, the acronym for a new political entity to challenge Modi head-on. Even anti-Modi leaders had their doubts about the viability of such a coalition a few months ago due to the political disparity. Despite their shared belief that Modi and the BJP could not be destroyed unless they worked together, there was a feeling of futility and despair.

But that notion has already been dispelled. 26 parties have agreed to fight alongside one another. Prime Minister Modi deserves praise. It wouldn’t have happened if he hadn’t established the “new normal” by violating democratic tenets like the equality of the law and the independence of central agencies from political control. Opposition parties are now forced to fight together due to the continuous persecution of opposition leaders by these organisations, which are managed by bureaucrats who formerly pledged allegiance to the Constitution but are now intoxicated by fealty to a leader.

India has never previously seen such blatant agency abuse. Currently, of the charges brought by the Enforcement Directorate involving political figures and parties, 95% are against opposition figures, and just 5% are against individuals who either support the BJP or the government at the centre. Officials from the ED frequently conduct raids, seize and attach the property of opposition leaders, and then imprison them for months or even years without the possibility of bail.

They were forced to choose between fighting to survive and giving up their right to “freedom” as guaranteed by the constitution. The attack has many different facets. Life has been miserable for governments run by the opposition, not just because of central agencies but also because of Governors and Lieutenant Governors selected by the centre. Life has been miserable for governments run by the opposition, not just because of central agencies but also because of Governors and Lieutenant Governors selected by the centre. Daily, the major media has been attacking them, painting them as anti-India, dishonest, and opportunistic. Every effort is made to financially strangle them. They are now not even permitted to speak in Parliament due to the current state of affairs. If they speak, either their words are omitted from the record or they are expelled from the legislature. Rahul Gandhi is one illustration.

It would have been shocking if the opposition had not united in the face of this situation. The ruling administration presumably did not anticipate that this would occur quite so quickly and cleanly. The fact that the Prime Minister gave two addresses on a day when the opposition convened to declare their unity shows that he is either rattled or taken off guard.

The prime minister speaks clearly. He never holds back when criticising his foes, but the manner of his speech, the terminology he used to do so, and the way he carried himself suggested that the governing camp was uneasy. The BJP ought to be more aware than any other party that the party in power has suffered anytime the opposition has come together, no matter how minor or dispersed. There were several instances in 1967, 1977, and 1989. During this period, the Congress used to dominate Indian politics like a colossus. Although the opposition parties were too small to challenge the Congress as a whole, they caused significant harm.

It may be argued that 2024 is unique. But the Congress also used the same justifications in 1967, 1977, and 1989, and we all know how it turned out. Contrary to popular belief, the opposition has become more powerful than ever. Unlike in the past, the opposition now controls 11 states’ governments.

Another common claim is that the Congress is too helpless to take on the BJP on a national scale. Critics fail to remember that in previous elections, there was no opposition party that could have asserted a national presence and state administrations. The Left, the socialists, and the BJP (Jana Sangh) had a national vision but no national presence. On March 4, 1990, the BJP, which is now in the lead, established the first independent government in Rajasthan. Bhairon Singh Shekhawat was in charge of it. The Congress now governs four states and participates in coalitions in another two. Nationwide, the party received 12 crore votes. In 2009, the BJP, which is now in power, received seven crore votes. Modi is far too sophisticated a politician to be unaware of this political fact. So, it makes sense why he is so desperate.

The BJP’s creation of 37 parties over night supports my claim that Modi is cognizant of the risk involved in the party underestimating the opposition coalition. He is the one who asserted in front of the whole of parliament that he alone is capable of defeating the combined might of opposition leaders. He is aware of how crucial perception is in politics. Hence the attempt to demonstrate that the BJP has greater political party backing than the opposition. The opposition does not appear to be scared by numbers this time. It looks like it did its homework more thoroughly. A proof of this is the name given to the opposing front: INDIA. It is not a typical name. It attempts to address each charge the BJP has levelled against them since 2014. The terms are ideological, political, and strategic.

The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance is known as INDIA. Let’s look at the term INDIA first. Can the BJP now misuse the name “INDIA” the same way it did with the UPA? Can one claim that India is pro-Pakistan or that India is anti-India? Not at all. The BJP under Modi has stolen the word “India” from them, so this is an effort to get it back. In recent years, Modi has argued that his name is synonymous with India. Any attack on him has been referred to as an attack on India since he is Indian. The opposition has made an effort to defeat such a tactic.

Two: The opposition frequently receives the label of being anti-national. People who disagree with the BJP are labelled anti-national since the party has emerged as the herald of nationalism. Because of this, the word “National” in INDIA serves as a reminder that they are also nationalistic, but unlike the BJP or RSS, their nationalism is inclusive. that they do not discriminate against anyone based on their caste or religion. Every citizen has a place in their nationalism, and Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, and other minorities shouldn’t be concerned about who they are. They would be treated equally with Hindus, in contrast to the BJP, which claims to be for everyone while prioritising Hindus.

Third, Modi has taken over the term “development.” He never misses an opportunity to brag about India’s economic development, saying that during his leadership, the country’s GDP grew at the quickest rate and reached the fifth-largest size. The BJP frequently refers to “a government with a double engine” to emphasise its growth story. The opposition responds to this assertion by using the word “developmental,” attempting to recover the growth space and inform the electorate that the Congress was the one that started the original reforms (OG) to promote economic growth in India.

Fourth, the notion that the opposition front offers a viable ideological alternative to the BJP’s Hindutva is supported by INDIA. No identity, whether national or sub-national, regional or sub-regional, linguistic or tribal, is discriminated against in INDIA, which is unity in diversity and multicultural, with room for all religions. Instead of religion serving as the foundation, religion serves as their constitution.

Additionally, identity-based politics have emerged in India as a result of the country’s complex social and cultural makeup, with caste, religion, language, and regional allegiances playing major roles in determining political narratives. While these factors offer venues for representation, they may also be the cause of protracted disagreement, which can occasionally result in political disputes with identity politics at their core.

This is only the start; India needs to advance and become a significant threat to Modi and the BJP. The opposition INDIA’s path forward won’t be easy given Modi’s desire for politics and power, as well as his tenacity, resilience, adaptability, and ideological devotion. Any assault on them will be harsher and more direct than before. Modi’s speech was only a sneak peek.

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